Oluwole Onemola

<h2>The tectonic plates of international relations were not just trembling in January 2024; they had been grumbling for months. </h2>

The tremors first became apparent on the floor of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in December 2023. Ryan Shaban, in the January 2024 Eurasia Strategy Insights report, described the scene of the first UNGA emergency session held in 26 years, where a resolution demanding an "immediate humanitarian ceasefire" in Gaza exposed a starkly fractured world. 153 out of 193 countries, a far cry from the usual US-led coalitions, voted in favour—highlighting a shift in the global power dynamic. The United States, for the first time in recent memory, which voted alongside 9 other countries that opposed the resolution, seemed to be on the outside looking in— with its grip on the international political order loosening.

This undercurrent of multipolarity, which has now bubbled into January 2024, has promised to reshape the international stage in unpredictable ways this year.

For us here in Nigeria, the tremors in December should have been a reminder that in the global order, alliances are fluid and interests diverse.

This is why, with the North-South divide at Davos, the newly expanded BRICS+ flexing their muscles globally, the US-China diplomatic dance in Africa, and the lessons of African excellence from the ongoing African Cup of Nations (AFCON) — the message has become clear: the old world order has changed — and <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/local/ibadan-explosion-nigerians-stop-normalising-nonsense-in-2024/b6h5dh8">Nigeria must be intentional</a> and strategic if it wants to play a prominent role in the new global order.

Vice-President Kashim Shettima recently represented Nigeria at the World Economic Forum in Switzerland [Presidency]

Shettima departs for World Economic Forum in Switzerland [Presidency]

Here are three things that Nigerians should watch out for on the international stage in 2024.

<h3>North vs South, Davos vs Kampala</h3>

The World Economic Forum in Davos brought together leaders from the established powers of the global North to discuss pressing international issues like climate change, economic inequality, and technological disruption.

At the same time, the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Uganda gathered representatives from about 120 nations — many of which are developing countries that belong to the global South — to advocate for their interests and priorities on the international agenda.

These contrasting events underscored the evolving landscape of international relations. The global South, once largely on the periphery of the global order, is now playing an increasingly assertive role. Developing countries are becoming more vocal about matters that affect their national interests — and collaborating to advance these shared interests.

The juxtaposition of the cold, wintry forum at Davos, and the warm, sunny summit in Kampala also highlighted the key areas of divergence between the interests of the global North and the global South.

Going into 2024, the North is focusing on cold hard issues like economic growth, the proliferation of artificial intelligence and the free market system. On the other hand, the South is prioritising optimistic objectives like sustainable development, poverty reduction, and access to resources. These differences in priorities may lead to increased tensions this year— or, they can serve as launchpads for collaboration on the international stage.

As the world continues to evolve rapidly, it is important to bridge the divide between the global North and South. Developed and developing countries need to find ways to communicate and cooperate on common challenges in order to build a more inclusive and equitable international order.

This is why, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Nigeria's calls for a democratisation of the international order could not have come at a more appropriate time. While speaking on a panel titled Securing an Insecure World, our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, argued that the current structure of the United Nations Security Council, with its permanent members and veto powers, is outdated and hinders effective decision-making on critical issues that affect the global South.

Responding to a question on what the global North must do to accommodate the interests of the global South, the Foreign Minister criticised the veto power held by the five permanent members, which he described as undemocratic — stating that these powers prevent the passage of resolutions on pressing conflicts. He also called for a number of reforms, including the creation of new permanent seats for countries like Nigeria — which would better reflect the realities of the 21st century.

Now, Nigeria must see how it can work within the established international framework to lead this democratisation process —understanding that this change will not be served à la carte and that the only thing that remains constant on the international stage is that every country, even our allies, are self-interested.

The US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken (left), shakes hands with President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria (right) [Presidency]

In another major trend, geopolitical analysts are also closely monitoring the growing influence of China and BRICS+ nations on global affairs. To put this into perspective, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), with a projected 43% of global oil production under their belts, BRICS+ nations are poised to challenge the West's dominance in the financial sphere through the creation of a new institutional development bank and their de-dollarisation agenda. This move could potentially reshape the global financial landscape and offer alternative financing options for developing countries.

China, specifically, with its expanding influence in the global South, will also have a major impact on the future of international relations. For instance, following the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent visits this month to Egypt, Tunisia, Togo, and Ivory Coast—in response, the United States Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, announced a four-state visit to Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Angola, and Nigeria.

For both superpowers, their visits to Africa were strategically motivated. China was sending a signal regarding the future trajectory of Africa-China collaboration. While the United State’s visit was aimed at securing and strengthening its already existing partnerships across the continent.

For us here in Nigeria, we must see the visit of both Wang Yi and Blinken to Africa as a reminder that the global superpowers have growing or declining strategic interests on the continent. Hence, we must evaluate our strategic alliances on a case-by-case and issue-by-issue basis. As the foremost political, economic, and military force in the West African subregion, if we want to maintain our strategic relevance, every decision that we take must adhere to our longstanding commitment to multilateralism and non-alignment.

Moving forward, our foreign policy must be primed to monitor the growing influence of BRICS+ on the global financial system, in order to take early advantage of any benefits that might arise from such a system. As we do this, we must also maintain a strong relationship with the West that prioritises our development objectives and overall national economic and security interests.

ALSO READ: <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/nigerias-foreign-policy-drink-with-russia-dance-with-china-dine-with-us/sfsnkyr">Nigeria's Foreign Policy: Drink with Russia, dance with China, dine with the US</a>

The Super Eagles of Nigeria are thriving at the ongoing AFCON 2023 [NFF]

AFCON 2023: Kano fans hail Super Eagles victory over Cameroon [Twitter:@NFF]

The ongoing Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) organised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) in Ivory Coast serves as a powerful reminder that the world will pay for and pay attention to well-organised African entertainment, and will tune in to watch African excellence. With a staggering 6,000 media accreditation applications – over 100% more than the 2022 Cameroon edition – the tournament has captivated global interest. This surge is further fuelled by a significant increase in financial backing from broadcasters across continents, promising a substantial viewership boost for this AFCON. This translates not just to amplified broadcasting revenue for CAF, but also to a crucial boost for football development across Africa.

Nigeria must see this AFCON’s success as a story of African excellence translated globally through entertainment. This is why we must look beyond the traditional avenues like security, economics, and diplomacy to exert our international influence. We already have an organic international reputation as a global superpower in the entertainment sector; it is time for us to turn this reputation into an actual National Softpower Strategy.

Such a strategy should be driven by the global reach of Nigerian music and Nollywood. It should also focus on crafting a new and compelling international brand for Nigeria that amplifies our strengths, confronts our negative stereotypes, and opens new doors for beneficial international partnerships. It would be non-traditional diplomacy, but with the way the world is fast-evolving beyond non-traditional ways of doing things, a national ‘dancing diplomacy’ strategy — aka a Softpower Strategy — may not be such a bad idea.

Here are three things that Nigerians should watch out for on the international stage in 2024.

3 things Nigerians should watch out for on the international stage in 2024

<h2>Almost everywhere you look these days, there is a long-running joke that Nigeria’s national resolution for 2024 is, "No gree for anybody."</h2>

The police have described this slogan as an act of rebellion, stating that their intelligence has reliably informed them that "the slogan is coming from a revolutionary sector that may likely cause problems across the country." The army, meanwhile, has co-opted it, with the military spokesperson urging Nigerians to "No gree for terrorists, and no gree for perpetrators of insecurity."

Debates have sprung up, and back-and-forths have been had about the significance of this slogan. Meanwhile, the true litmus test of our collective adherence to its core values happened, and everyone seemed to totally ignore it.

On Tuesday evening, as I sat in Abuja, listening to a Zoom discussion on Nigeria's political system — my phone lit up. Going to X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter, I began to see social media posts about the sound of <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/local/deaths-rise-to-5-in-ibadan-explosion-as-police-keep-digging-for-information/em2flnn">an explosion being heard across Ibadan</a>.

At first, it was just a few handles that posted; then the posts appeared in their hundreds — and immediately, my mind started to assume the worst. Had Oyo State experienced a terrorist attack? Had a blow been struck in the heart of a state that carried such a cultural significance? If the answer was yes, my next question was, "Why?"

Thankfully, my original thoughts were wrong; the explosion was not intentional. It was not a terrorist attack. However, it was something much worse: an accident caused by unintentional negligence. <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/metro/makinde-links-ibadan-explosion-to-explosive-devices-of-illegal-miners/0rex9ld">Illegal miners had stockpiled explosives</a> in a residential area.

Official reports say three lives were lost, 77 people injured, and thousands of properties affected. Unofficial reports claim that the casualties are much higher. From the aerial pictures published from the site of the blast, a crater can be seen sitting in the middle of the photo — with multiple houses around the blast radius levelled. This was an accident that could have been avoided. This was an accident that was not avoided —so, what are we going to do about it to ensure that it does not happen anywhere else in Nigeria?

This brings me to the entire point of this piece — Nigerians and our unintentional knack for normalising nonsense.

Days removed from the incident, we have all accepted that the Ibadan explosion was not a terrorist attack — but at the back of our minds, we all know that its consequences have been equally devastating. Lives were lost, property has been destroyed, and fear has been instilled in the hearts of residents.

Yet, beyond the initial shock, beyond the initial condolence posts on social media, beyond the promises for thorough investigations — the incident has largely faded into the background noise of our daily lives. To me, my friends, this is the true danger — our ability to absorb even the most egregious acts of negligence as "mere inconveniences."

Imagine something like this happened elsewhere. Let’s take the usual example: the United States of America. There would be a media firestorm. CNN would already be analysing the background of the person that stockpiled the explosives. Fox News would be interviewing borderline conspiracy theorists about the significance of the blast radius. NBC would be speaking to security analysts about the type of explosives that were likely involved, while the New York Times would have published an editorial about the dangers of illegal mining.

However, billions of naira worth of property has been damaged due to negligence, and there is no media firestorm. There are no in-depth analyses. There are no investigative reports. There are no public demands for accountability. Very few members of the National Assembly have even spoken about this tragedy; and the civil society is virtually silent.

Ladies and gentlemen, we tend to lay all blame at the feet of our governments at the state and federal levels. But what happens at a time when the office of the citizen is called upon to act? What happens at a time when our response as Nigerians should go beyond fleeting tweets and push into informed outrage that is channelled by informed discourse and civil pressure on those in power?

Each time we shrug off tragedy, each time we accept negligence as the cost of doing business in Nigeria, we chip away at the very fabric of our society. We erode the trust between citizens and the state, normalise recklessness, and pave the way for even greater disasters. Our desensitisation as citizens is a luxury we cannot afford. The lives lost, the families shattered, the communities scarred – these are the true costs of our "business as usual" approach.

This is why, in 2024, "No gree for anybody" cannot be just a slogan; it must be a collective call to action. Yes, the buck must stop somewhere, but everyone has a role to play. On the part of the media, it must prioritise investigative reporting on incidents like the Ibadan explosion—focusing on its root causes and calling for those responsible to be held accountable.

ALSO READ: <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/local/ibadan-explosion-how-to-be-a-miner-in-nigeria/nfdrk8w">To understand Ibadan explosion, we asked an expert 11 mining questions</a>

On the part of the government, it must implement and enforce stricter safety regulations in problematic sectors like mining, investing in proactive risk mitigation measures, and establish transparent channels for communication and accountability. As someone on Twitter suggested, a New York subway style campaign of "If you see something, say something" should be adopted to crowdsource security reports.

Additionally, the marking, tagging, and digital tracking of licensed explosives should be prioritised. Mining companies should also utilise compulsory blast reports to log the location, time, and amount of explosives used, enabling cross-checking with permits and licences.

Most importantly, the federal and state governments must make an example of whoever was responsible for this explosion — as a deterrence measure.

On the part of the citizen, we must foster a culture of awareness by reporting the perceived abnormalities in our communities. All communities across the nation must also be educated on their individual responsibilities regarding their own safety and security — so that everyone plays a role in keeping our communities safe. This point is crucial because the dust had barely settled in Ibadan before reports pinned the devastation on illegal explosives stored within a seemingly ordinary house. This chilling revelation lays bare the cost of silence. Had someone spoken up and raised an alarm, the tragedy might have been averted. As everyday citizens, we cannot be bystanders in our own safety.

At the end of the day, the Ibadan explosion can be just another incident. Or, it can be a wake-up call — a reminder that apathy has consequences, and that collective and conscientious vigilance is the only weapon we have against the normalisation of nonsense and negligence.

An aerial view of the aftermath of the explosion that rocked Ibadan on Tuesday, January 16, 2024 [TheaaaJay]

Almost everywhere you look these days, there is a long-running joke that Nigeria’s national resolution for 2024 is, "No gree for anybody."

Nigerians, stop normalising nonsense in 2024

<h2>On Wednesday, I attended a foreign policy lecture organised by the Society for International Relations Awareness (SIRA) at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja.</h2>

At the event, Professor John Kayode Fayemi, a former governor of Ekiti State and renowned foreign policy expert, dissected the root causes of Africa's lack of a cohesive and comprehensible foreign policy agenda on the global front.

In his remarks, Fayemi called for an end to the age-long dependence on foreign aid by African nations. He emphasised that for Africa to truly become independent on the global stage, it had to redefine itself and its partnerships with the rest of the world.

After the lecture, I sat down with a few older diplomats — former ambassadors who had served in Europe, Africa, and North America — to discuss the former governor's comments, and we all agreed that as a template, his recommendations for Africa worked; however, on a case-by-case basis, each African nation had to take its own unique considerations into account.

For us here in Nigeria, with a relatively new administration in place, there is an opportunity to strategise on our global agenda and our global perception. We need to take our interactions with the rest of the world seriously.

For example, at the United Nations General Assembly, our president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, delivered one of the most profound speeches ever made by a Nigerian or African leader at the General Assembly.

Bola Tinubu at the United Nation's General Assembly [AP News]

Bola Tinubu audatiously questions the success rate of UN's activities in Africa [AP News]

However, from all accounts, the powerful speech was not backed by any evidence of action by the supporting actors that were meant to galvanise the new Nigerian leadership that was projected in the speech.

From several firsthand reports, Nigeria's lack of inter-ministerial coordination at the 78th UNGA was glaring. We seemed to be present at most meetings, but we did not have the content or strategy to justify our presence. This has to change.

Moving forward, we need to see our foreign policy as an extension of our domestic policy — understanding that right now, in the dynamic world that we live in — a whisper on the streets of Ajegunle can be heard all the way from 2nd Avenue in New York City.

The world is moving, and like power, the African leadership that we projected at the UN will not be served à la carte. Hence, we need to not only redefine the theoretical framework for our relationship with the rest of the world, we also need to set it in motion.

For example, it is clear that most pronounced conflicts on the global stage are a result of the action or inaction of the three powers that are competing for dominance. China, with its vast resources as a carrot, and its accumulated ownership of global debt as a stick; the United States, with its military might and soft power; and Russia, with its vast mineral and energy resources, nuclear capabilities, and influence in several anti-West nations — are in a constant dance for global domination.

In this dance, all three nations are courting Nigeria — but how is Nigeria responding? How can these courtships translate into leadership on the continent? And if they are all wooing us, what do we have to offer in return?

President Bola Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima will design Nigeria's foreign policy strategy for the next four years [Presidency]

President Bola Tinubu and his Vice, Kashim Shettima.

Taking a look at what India is doing with its self-interested multi-alignment foreign policy strategy, in its relationships with the three powers, and other strategic blocs, it continues to maintain its strategic autonomy— while promoting its own interests through cooperation on mutually beneficial issues with all three powers.

With China and Russia, India sits on BRICS to counter the United States' global influence. On the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), India collaborates with the United States, Australia, and Japan, to curb China's influence in the Asia-Pacific region. India buys a bulk of its weapons from Russia — which is largely in a renewed state of Cold War with the United States, yet, it still collaborates with the United States in attempts to curb Chinese influence in South Asia.

A friend to all; a foe to none. This is the approach that Nigeria must follow. India provides an example of the sort of strategic foreign policy framework that the Nigerian government must develop and cultivate in all its future interactions with the three powers. We need to engage all three strategically because each of them offers unique advantages for partnership.

Russia is offering us weapons and nuclear electricity capabilities. We can partner with them to improve our security architecture, arsenal, and our electricity-generating capabilities using nuclear power. As we do this, we must be wary of limiting their internal influence in our domestic affairs.

China is offering us funding for infrastructure and access to development loans. We can partner with them to close our infrastructure deficit — provided that our debt to them remains sustainable.

Nigeria's Vice President, Kashim Shettima with Chinese President, Xi Jinping [Presidency]

The United States continues to partner with us on several fronts. It provides us funding for healthcare, education, food security initiatives, and technical assistance. We can continue to partner with them to improve the lives of our citizens by utilising their funding in the various intervention areas, while limiting their technical assistance and internal involvement in our national issues.

In all this, we must push for partnerships. We must renegotiate existing agreements that do not favour Nigeria's interests, and we must approach such negotiations with the fact that we too have several strategic advantages.

First, the world needs Nigeria to guarantee peace in Africa and the West African subregion. Second, we have the largest African market both in size and population. Third, we have vast mineral resources such as tin, iron ore, coal, limestone, niobium, lead, and zinc, that can aid in industrialisation. Fourth, we have a young large population that is ready to work for relatively less than other nations. And finally, our strategic location makes us a gateway for trade into Africa.

In this regard, if we can meticulously manage our strategic advantages with all three powers, eventually, each of the countries will understand the need to relate and collaborate with us in an issue-based way, instead of the one-size-fits-all approach that they use to deal with other African nations. By doing this, we can become the most powerful black nation in the world within a few years.

However, as with all good things, this framework is necessary, but it is easier said than actualised.

A friend to all; a foe to none. This is the approach that Nigeria must follow. India provides an example of the sort of strategic foreign policy framework that the Nigerian government must develop and cultivate in all its future interactions with the three powers.

Nigeria's Foreign Policy: Drink with Russia, dance with China, dine with the US

<h2>As the 78th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) begins on Tuesday, September 19, leaders from around the world will gather in New York City for a crucial general debate.</h2>

This moment is historic as it signifies the halfway point in the world's collective pursuit of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which were established in 2015 to guide the global development agenda after the expiration of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).&nbsp;

During this assembly, leaders will share their perspectives and lay out their respective priorities for the next year. While much of the discussion will revolve around the progress that has been made towards the attainment of the 2030 SDGs deadline, a sobering concern will loom on the sidelines of the 78th Session – namely, the state of democracy in Africa.

To put this in context, from the coup in Niger Republic in July to another in Gabon in August, to the disputed coup report in the Republic of the Congo — two days before the commencement of the General Assembly — since 2020, Central and Western Africa regions have witnessed a series of military interventions that have led to the subversion of democracy. This is why, undoubtedly, on the sidelines of the General Assembly, African leaders will receive a barrage of questions about <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/local/is-democracy-failing-in-africa-we-asked-political-analysts-in-4-countries/q6g6mww">the state of democracy on the continent</a>.

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu prepares to deliver his inaugural address at this global gathering, which is expected to have nearly 150 world leaders from the 193 UN member states in attendance this year, given the turmoil on the continent, Nigeria has a unique opportunity to re-establish our leadership in Africa.

Taking a cue from From Soft Life to Soft Power, Chukwudi Ukonne's article in The Republic on Nigeria's regional and global influence, if we examine what Nigeria brings to the table in the context of our relationship with the rest of the world, we have a remarkable set of assets that include: the continent's largest economy, <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/world/10-strongest-african-military-powers-by-country-in-2023/pfpkz0t">one of Africa's top four militaries</a>, abundant natural resources, and a history of national political stability since returning to democracy in 1999. These strengths put us in a unique position to present a fresh vision of African leadership.

Furthermore, from the cultural impact of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s books; to Davido having a FIFA World Cup single; to Wizkid and Burna Boy winning Grammys; to one of the newer kids on the block, Rema, reaching 1 billion streams on Spotify; all the way to Nollywood becoming the fastest-growing film industry in the world, our creative industry has ignited a cultural renaissance that continues to export our positive national values beyond our borders.

In addition to this, our diaspora population, with their remarkable achievements globally, and our substantial population that has the potential to influence continental trade—especially with the adoption of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA)—as a nation, we are uniquely positioned to play a pivotal role on the world stage if we can successfully harness and convert our unintentional 'soft power' into deliberate 'smart power'.

To leverage the advantages that we have, both in President Tinubu’s address and on the sidelines of the General Assembly, the Nigerian delegation must push to project our stance as the leading nation on the continent—and thereafter take the necessary steps to forge stronger partnerships across Africa. This approach would go beyond our traditional diplomatic methods and will require a concerted effort—even after the General Assembly—that will constantly reiterate our national interests in the context of the African situation in order to bolster our global influence.

Furthermore, in all our interactions, in addition to the 4D foreign policy vision of this administration, Nigeria should refocus on its long term advocacy for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all African nations and be seen to lead all efforts to create the necessary conditions that are conducive for self-reliance and the rapid economic development of all African countries.

We must also look beyond ECOWAS and begin to reassert our influence in the African Union by pushing for more collaborations with other regional economic communities across Africa with a view to establishing a new formalised framework that will benefit Africa as a whole — with Nigeria as the centerpiece of this strategy.

This framework should be developed in response to the situation on the continent; it should include the economic development of the African people, the cultivation of stronger institutions, and the preservation of the "spirit of democracy" as fundamental principles that must be re-adopted by all African nations.

By leading the efforts to re-institutionalise democratic values on the continent, while projecting Nigeria’s leadership to the world and to a continent that is seeking effective governance, prosperity, and democratic resilience, President Tinubu has the opportunity to chart a new course for Nigeria and Africa.&nbsp;

However, as we project leadership in Africa, we must also work to address any internal political contradictions. This means that while we pursue democracy across the continent, we must take the lead in strengthening our own national institutions to showcase leadership by example.

With the turmoil on the continent, the chaos may just be Nigeria’s ladder to reassert its geopolitical leadership. However, as it is often said, "You never get a second chance to make a first impression."

Therefore, carpe diem! Nigeria must take this inaugural address as our chance to seize the day!

With that being said, I rest my case.

As the 78th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) begins on Tuesday, September 19, leaders from around the world will gather in New York City for a crucial general debate.

78th UNGA: Africa's coups, Nigeria's vision, and Tinubu's first impression

<h2>In the realm of international relations, diplomacy is an art form that demands a precision of words, a finesse of expression, and an understanding of the intricate dance of nation-states. </h2>

This is why, as a famous Western joke suggests, different situations call for different languages – be it speaking Italian with a chef, French with a lover, or German with a soldier. Yet, when dealing with diplomats, the language of choice must always be tact.

In the past month, we have seen two distinct instances where diplomatic blunders were committed in the course of Nigeria's international communications. These events have underscored the pressing need for Nigeria to elevate our diplomatic tact and external communications.

The first, which related to our response to the Gabonese coup, might have escaped the scrutiny of most, but the second, concerning the lifting of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) visa ban, unfolded for all to witness.

If we compare our official statements on the Gabon coup with those of other nations, we will see that there seems to be an apparent deficiency in our grasp of international relations — particularly in the context of the fundamental diplomatic principle of sovereign equality among states, which pertains to nations, not individuals.

To explain this, let us first consider the wording of our statement after the Gabon coup:

"President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is watching developments in Gabon very closely with deep concern for the country's socio-political stability and the seeming autocratic contagion apparently spreading across different regions of our beloved continent."

While seemingly commendable on the surface, this statement falls short in the realm of international diplomacy. International affairs revolves around the relationships between nation-states, not the actions of individual leaders. The statement should have centered on Nigeria as a nation, and Abuja as the seat of power, similar to how Washington, Moscow, and Paris addressed the matter.

Furthermore, our communication should have taken into account the potential consequences of individualised actions and comments on the international stage, as we witnessed from the fallout that followed the Nigeria and ECOWAS' response to the Nigerien coup.

This is why the statement on Gabon could have been issued by other entities, such as the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as an institution, or, as a last resort, the Nigerian Embassy in Gabon.

Additionally, the statement could have been condensed, as diplomacy often values brevity in case of future maneuverability.

Turning to last week's UAE visa ban issue, the Federal Government's announcement that proclaimed a historic agreement between President Bola Tinubu and UAE president, Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, to immediately lift the ban was quite exuberant on our part.

This is because, in contrast, the UAE Embassy's statement, while implying some sort of resolution, exercised the restraint that is typical in bilateral engagements by opting not to mention the visa ban's removal until the modalities of the agreement were finalised.

Moving forward, to project a balanced and thorough image, we must adopt a more measured approach to communicating our foreign policies. Whether celebrating a victory, adopting a neutral stance, or addressing a crisis, we must remember that nuance matters and the delicate nature of nation-state relations requires a meticulous and measured vocabulary.

Hence, the Presidency and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should immediately establish a formal process to coordinate our nation's foreign policy communications in a way that will ensure that enthusiasm is tempered and unintentional blunders are avoided.

In the realm of diplomacy, conscientiousness is always the linchpin of success. This is why we need to be more calculated in how we communicate with the rest of the world.

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President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria and President Mohamed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan of UAE [Presidency]

In the realm of international relations, diplomacy is an art form that demands a precision of words, a finesse of expression, and an understanding of the intricate dance of nation-states.

Why Nigeria's foreign policy communications must adopt some nuance

<h2>"Ideas outlive individuals. Ideas are the driving force behind institutions. People should merely be the vehicles for these ideas."</h2>

Dear Nigerians. I started this piece with the quote above to illustrate the significance of the age-old debate of strong individuals over strong institutions.

This debate, which is ever-present in the Nigerian political discourse, often highlights the positive impact of certain former political office holders during their tenures in various political offices.

As much as we applaud such political office holders for their performance, we must begin to ask ourselves important questions like: What happened to these offices after these people left them? How are we building our institutional capacities to maintain the highest standards? Aren't we shortchanging ourselves by always waiting for technocratic-minded individuals to be appointed into public offices, as opposed to having a system whereby the very institutions are able to also drive processes—regardless of who is appointed to lead various ministries?

Most importantly, we must also ask: how can we ensure that the best ideas and practices are carried over from one administration to the next—regardless of who is in power?

This brings me to the entire point of this piece.

A few weeks ago, I was reading the news when I saw a report that the Algerian government had refused a request from France to fly over its airspace for a military operation in Niger Republic. Before I had even concluded the first paragraph, my immediate reaction was, "As expected."

For some, the French request would have seemed like a no-brainer for several reasons. First, a straight flight from France over the Mediterranean Sea, over Tunisia, then over Algeria, would put the French military right in the northern part of Niger.

Secondly, given their colonial history, many passive observers would have assumed that Algeria would have granted the French request.

However, with just a basic understanding of Algeria's post-independence foreign policy of non-alignment, sitting in my living room in Abuja, I could easily say, "This is how the Algerian government would respond."

Similarly, in September 2014, while celebrating his 90th birthday, Lee Kuan Yew, the revered first Prime Minister of Singapore, visited the nation's parliament to attend a sitting.

After the legislative activities were concluded, the former lawmaker gathered in the Members' Room with Members of Parliament (MPs) from his party, the People's Action Party (PAP), and all other opposition MPs, where he delivered a brief but impactful message.

"Singapore must always remain clean and incorruptible," Lee Kuan Yew said. "And you, the Ministers and Members of Parliament, must set the example."

This story, narrated by his eldest son, Lee Hsien Loong, the current Prime Minister of Singapore, was told just last month at the country's National Day Rally as a reminder to the people of the Southeast Asian country, that the national values that made them transform from a third-world country to a first-world country, were still the driving principles that their leaders adhered to.

Since October 1, 1960, when Nigeria became independent, we have transitioned through various styles of government and multiple administrations, which have been guided by the whims and, many times, capriciousness of the leaders that are in power.

For better or worse, the shape of our national priorities often takes the shape of the strongmen of the day.

From one administration to the other, each leader comes into power pushing new ideas and creating new expectations. However, it is often the case that when these leaders leave office, the priorities of the past become shadows in the present.&nbsp;

Nigeria has transitioned through multiple administrations which have been guided by the whims and, many times, capriciousness of the leaders in power [Tribune]

Obasanjo foisted Yar'adua, then Jonathan on Nigerians

In our post-colonial era, Nigeria has had four national conferences to discuss the way forward. Oftentimes, these conferences have been talk shops that have produced bulky reports and recommendations that often go unaddressed.

Nevertheless, with all that is going on both internally and around the African continent, we must all agree that our nation needs to embark on some kind of soul-searching. We have an identity crisis that did not start today.

From our foreign policy objectives to our internal policy affairs, we leave too much room for human error. Nobody can authoritatively say this is where Nigeria stands on anything — like in the case of Algeria. No one can also say these are Nigeria’s long-held national values — like in the case of Singapore.

This is why we desperately need a national consensus.

Such a national consensus would come from a painstaking debate on the identity and united values of the Nigerian nation going into the future. It will be a challenging conversation that will address everything, from our expectations of one another to our expectations of the world around us.&nbsp;

Subjects like devolution of powers need sincere examination. Topics like the Exclusive List and Concurrent List should be discussed in light of global advancements—prioritising the current and future needs of our various states over the current expectations of the government that is in power. Additionally, the composition of our national security architecture must be redefined to create a responsive security framework.

From such deliberations, Nigeria's desired global image and non-negotiable principles will emerge. The recommendations that come from it will guide all our future negotiations, associations, and proposals.

By having our long-term priorities agreed upon, enumerated, and endorsed by a credible national body that comprises all political parties, key religious groups and leaders, key stakeholders in the private sector and the academic community, and influential thought leaders from the media and other sectors, we can make Nigeria a nation that is built on common principles that are shared by all our institutions.

Most importantly, by having a national consensus on key issues, we can benchmark our basic expected minimums.&nbsp;

Of course, as with any consensus, there has to be compromise. We are a diverse country with people from different ethnic groups, religions, and cultures; hence, finding common ground will not be easy. In fact, it will be difficult. Nevertheless, it is ultimately possible.

President Muhammadu Buhari conferred National Honours on President-Elect Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and VP-Elect, Sen. Kashim Shettima today

With all that is going on both internally and around the African continent, we must all agree that our nation needs to embark on some kind of soul-searching. We have an identity crisis that did not start today.

Nigeria suffers from an identity crisis that a national consensus can fix

<h2>Political communications strategists around the world are watching the most recent Donald Trump indictment and taking notes.</h2>

Just a few days after he was booked at the Fulton County Jail in Atlanta, Georgia, on allegations that he had conspired to overturn the 2020 election results in the state, his campaign organisation announced that it had raised more than $7 million. How? By selling political paraphernalia with mugshots of the former president.

To put this in context, in the United States of America's 247-year history, <a data-link-role-code="open_new_tab" href="https://www.pulse.ng/news/world/donald-trump-returns-to-twitter-2-years-after-ban-to-cry-about-arrest/rbj4j11">this is the first time that a former president has had his mugshot taken</a>. Ordinarily, common sense would have predicted that a frowning mugshot of a 77-year-old man would signal the end of his political journey. However, it did the opposite. It made him look like the perceived underdog battling against the entire United States justice system. This injected a donation surge of $4.18 million in just 24 hours, and over $7 million as of today.

Whether you like him or not, you have to acknowledge one simple fact about Trump: the man knows how to manipulate the minds of Americans to disregard the media.

As a 2021 Rutgers University report aptly said,&nbsp;"President Obama was the first president to effectively harness the power of social media. Trump is the first president to use it to bypass the media and communicate directly with his base."

Anyone who studied Trump's presidency would immediately tell you that even some of the most outlandish soundbites like 'fake news' and 'alternative facts' were carefully crafted narratives that spoke directly to his base.

The problem with most public-facing individuals is that they adopt a one-size-fits-all approach to communications — forgetting that not everyone is going to like what you have to say, and not everyone cares. With this being the case, isn't it better to primarily focus on communicating directly with your base by strengthening their resolve?

Additionally, who do you want to control your narrative? A reporter who is paid to be one of two things — either a neutral narrator or a sensationalist storyteller — or you and your team who can carefully curate the image that you want the public to have of you?

Over the years, Trump has been quite adept at making the public see what he wants them to see. A classic example is how he self-reported his weight and height at his booking at the Fulton County Jail.

According to his booking documents, he told the prison officials that he is 6 ft 3 and 215 pounds. That's clearly untrue. As someone said, 6 ft 3 and 215 pounds is the equivalent of boxing great Muhammad Ali in his "Fly like a butterfly, sting like a bee" era — the fittest point of his life. Trump is a 77-year-old man whose doctor weighed him at 239 pounds in 2018.

Additionally, even if he was once 6 ft 3, at his age, he should be shrinking. However, he still pushed out alternative facts about his biometrics to present himself as fit to lead to his base — because they aren't going to fact-check the information. They will take it as the truth.

Yes, people who don't like you will always push back. However, as we have established in earlier parts of this piece — to build your brand, it is easier to get more like-minded people to like you, as opposed to getting more people who disagree with you to agree with you.

Finally, the last lesson from Trump's indictment is adapted from Law 28 of Robert Greene's The 48 Laws of Power which teaches us to "Enter action with boldness."

Immediately after his booking was over, Trump drove straight to the airport in his convoy. When he arrived on the tarmac in his tinted SUV, a string of reporters was already waiting for him.

Getting out of the car, he walked slowly and deliberately towards them and made his case in front of the camera, taking full advantage of the fact that all eyes were on him and the ears of the world were listening. He spelled out his narrative — calling his indictment "a sad day for America", "a travesty of justice", and, my favourite part, "election interference."

With these three narratives, Trump gave his supporters their talking points. He redefined what should have been an already predetermined agenda. Since then, if you go on social media, you will see how aggressive Trump supporters — not only in America but across the world — have been about pushing his narrative on his behalf.

Most public figures would have taken a hiatus from the press after such an ordeal. Many of them would have had their "No comment!" moment in front of the camera. Not Trump.

He walked straight to the cameras and took advantage of the situation. This is why, if his indictment was truly orchestrated as some of his supporters have suggested, those behind it must have thought that they poured lemon juice into his eyes. However, with how he has handled it, the man is shedding sweet tears of refreshing lemonade. And his followers are sipping it to their satisfaction!

As we all continue to watch Trump's unfolding saga and the upcoming American elections, we must pay attention to the various dynamics that are at play, and take notes accordingly. Because, from where I sit, it seems to me that every action has a predetermined purpose, and every piece on the board has a specific part to play.

Since Donald Trump's mugshot was released on Thursday fans and critics of the former president are selling t-shirts, mugs, posters — and turning a real profit.Mark Romano via Etsy/Fulton County sheriff's office

Political communications strategists around the world are watching the most recent Donald Trump indictment and taking notes.

Mugshots, money, and political lessons from Donald Trump

<h2>As I moved around Abuja this week, I thought about an ancient account that I once read of a religious teacher and his encounter with a Bedouin man — a nomadic Arab tribesman from the harsh lands of the Arabian Peninsula.&nbsp;</h2>

At this fateful meeting, it is said that the religious teacher noticed the Bedouin man’s unattended camel and asked about its lack of tethering. The Bedouin, a man of strong faith, responded that he trusted in Almighty Allah to keep his camel restrained. The wise teacher is said to have then imparted a lesson that we should all heed today, "Trust in God, but tie your camel."

With fuel prices now at ₦‎617 per litre, as we collectively reflect on the recent subsidy removal and its profound impact on millions of Nigerians, it becomes clear that this lesson holds significance for our nation's government.

Certainly, for years, we have all agreed that we can no longer sustain a fuel subsidy regime that enriched a select few while harming the masses. Yes, during the 2023 general elections, the three major political parties supported the subsidy's removal — and the previous administration even took steps to discontinue it in the budget.

Yet, this doesn't mean that the circumstances surrounding the removal of the subsidy should have been left to chance. This is because since the announcement was made on May 29, countless Nigerians have found themselves stranded, barely surviving, and pushed to their limits.

This drastic policy shift can be likened to Elon Musk's sudden backward attempt to rebrand Twitter to 'X’ — starting from the logo. It illustrates that it is not only the decision itself that matters but also the process of its implementation.

Moving forward, any government policy shift must be accompanied by a well-vetted rollout plan that clearly communicates each step and rationale behind the decision. Such a plan should outline the expected outcomes and benefits, ensuring that all stakeholders comprehend the implications of the action taken in the context of the Nigerian project.

Before policy implementation, meticulous research is paramount to analyse its effects and identify the demographics that will be most affected. By sharing this information with the public, the government can demonstrate its commitment to tailoring policies to our unique realities.

Governance, like life itself, leaves no room for do-overs or repetition of past mistakes. Instead, we must learn from history and chart a different, more thoughtful course. With each policy shift that strips away another safety net from the lives of Nigerians, we risk grave consequences for millions of families.

Therefore, as we move forward, let us continue to trust in God, but let us also be diligent enough to tie all our camels properly.

The challenges ahead demand proper preparation in equal measure as steadfast faith. However, as governance deals more with preparation than prayer, it is clear that governments at all levels must do their homework to safeguard the well-being of all our people and the future of our country.

A man on a bike (image used for illustration) [SBM Intelligence]

As I moved around Abuja this week, I thought about an ancient account that I once read of a religious teacher and his encounter with a Bedouin man — a nomadic Arab tribesman from the harsh lands of the Arabian Peninsula.

With fuel subsidy removal, trust in God but tie your camel

<h2>Nigeria's national legislature has a problem. In the last general election, approximately 70% of senators and members of the House of Representatives who served in the 9th National Assembly were rejected by their constituents. </h2>

This staggering statistic calls for a deeper examination of the high turnover rates in our national legislature.

There are a number of factors that contribute to this trend, but one of the most significant is the lack of independent constituency reports. These holistic needs assessment reports would provide lawmakers with valuable insights into the aspirations, concerns, and priorities of their individual constituencies and the entire nation.

The reports would also help to bridge the information gap between lawmakers and policy implementers — enhancing accountability and fostering&nbsp;more representative governance.

In the United States, independent constituency reports from the Congressional Research Service (CRS) exist. These reports are "created for the sole purpose of supporting Congress in its legislative, oversight, and representational duties."

Here in Nigeria, for the sake of expediency, independent constituency reports can be conducted by reputable research organisations or think tanks, and involve a wide range of stakeholders, including civil society organisations, community leaders, and experts. The data collected from these reports can then inform the legislative agenda and policy priorities of the two main political parties for the next four years.

In Nigeria, right now, no such report or service exists. This means lawmakers are largely operating in the dark when it comes to understanding the needs and aspirations of their constituents. As a result, they are often proposing initiatives that are not in line with the priorities of the people they represent.

This lack of understanding can have a number of negative consequences. For example, it can lead to a decline in voter turnout, as people feel that their votes do not matter. It can also lead to a loss of trust between lawmakers and their constituents, as people feel that their representatives are not listening to them.

Nigeria's national legislature has a problem. In the last general election, approximately 70% of senators and members of the House of Representatives who served in the 9th National Assembly were rejected by their constituents.

Oluwole Onemola

Articles written by the author